How Insomnia Shaped Franz Kafka’s Creative Process and the Writing of The Metamorphosis: A New Study Published in The Lancet

What­ev­er else we take from it, Franz Kafka’s night­mar­ish fable The Meta­mor­pho­sis offers read­ers an espe­cial­ly anguished alle­go­ry on trou­bled sleep. Filled with ref­er­ences to sleep, dreams, and beds, the sto­ry begins when Gre­gor Sam­sa awak­ens to find him­self (in David Wylie’s trans­la­tion) “trans­formed in his bed into a hor­ri­ble ver­min.” After sev­er­al des­per­ate attempts to roll off his back, Gre­gor begins to ago­nize, of all things, over his stress­ful work­ing hours: “’Get­ting up ear­ly all the time,’ he thought, ‘it makes you stu­pid. You’ve got to get enough sleep.” Real­iz­ing that he has over­slept and missed his five o’clock train, he ago­nizes anew over the fran­tic work­day ahead, and we can hear in his thoughts the com­plaints of their author. “Sleep and lack there­of,” writes The Independent’s Christo­pher Hooten, “is of course a cen­tral theme in Kafka’s best known work…. It seems there was a strong dose of auto­bi­og­ra­phy at play.”

Chron­i­cal­ly insom­ni­ac, Kaf­ka wrote at night, then rose ear­ly each morn­ing for his hat­ed job at an insur­ance office. Though he made good use of rest­less­ness, Kaf­ka char­ac­ter­ized his insom­nia as much more than an incon­ve­nient phys­i­cal ail­ment. He thought of it in meta­phys­i­cal terms, as a kind of soul-sick­ness. “Sleep,” he wrote in his diaries, “is the most inno­cent crea­ture there is and sleep­less man the most guilty.”

Insom­nia trans­formed Kaf­ka into an unclean thing, quiv­er­ing in fear of death. “Per­haps I am afraid that the soul, which in sleep leaves me, will not be able to return,” he con­fessed in a let­ter to Ger­man writer Mile­na Jesen­ská. Anx­ious expres­sions like this, writes There­sa Fish­er, have led researchers to “spec­u­late that Kafka’s patho­log­i­cal traits… indi­cate bor­der­line per­son­al­i­ty dis­or­der.” This posthu­mous diag­no­sis may be a leap too far. “Unearthing his insom­nia, how­ev­er,” and its effects on his life and work, “requires less spec­u­la­tion.”

Kafka’s descrip­tions of his anx­ious insom­ni­ac writ­ing habits have led Ital­ian doc­tor Anto­nio Per­ci­ac­cante and his wife and co-author Alessia Coral­li to argue in a recent paper pub­lished in The Lancet that the writer com­posed much of his fic­tion in a state of some­thing like lucid dream­ing. In one diary entry, Kaf­ka writes, “it was the pow­er of my dreams, shin­ing forth into wake­ful­ness even before I fall asleep, which did not let me sleep.” Per­ci­ac­cante and Coral­li note that “this seems to be a clear descrip­tion of a hyp­n­a­gog­ic hal­lu­ci­na­tion, a vivid visu­al hal­lu­ci­na­tion expe­ri­enced just before the sleep onset.” It’s some­thing we’ve all expe­ri­enced. Kaf­ka, fear­ing sleep, stayed there as long as he could. Lest we think of his writ­ing as ther­a­peu­tic in some way, he gives no indi­ca­tion that it was so. Indeed, it seems that writ­ing intro­duced more pain: “When I don’t write,” he told Jesen­ská, “I am mere­ly tired, sad, heavy; when I do write, I am torn by fear and anx­i­ety.”

Kaf­ka made many sim­i­lar state­ments about sleep depri­va­tion bring­ing him to “a depth almost inac­ces­si­ble at nor­mal con­di­tions.” The visions he encoun­tered, he wrote, “shape them­selves into lit­er­a­ture.” Through sur­vey­ing the lit­er­a­ture, biogra­phies, inter­pre­ta­tions, and the author’s diaries and let­ters to Jesen­ská and Felice Bauer, Per­ci­ac­cante and Coral­li pieced togeth­er a “psy­chophys­i­o­log­i­cal” account of Kafka’s dream log­ic. As Per­ci­ac­cante told Research­Gate in an inter­view, his study con­cerned itself less with the caus­es of Kafka’s sleep­less­ness. He admits “it’s dif­fi­cult to clas­si­fy Kafka’s insom­nia.” Instead the authors con­cerned them­selves with the effects of remain­ing in a hyp­n­a­gog­ic state (a word, notes Drake Baer, that ety­mo­log­i­cal­ly means “being abduct­ed into sleep”), as well as Kafka’s aware­ness of his insomnia’s mag­i­cal and debil­i­tat­ing pow­er.

Meta­mor­pho­sis, says Per­ci­ac­cante, in addi­tion to a work about social and famil­ial alien­ation, “may also rep­re­sent a metaphor for the neg­a­tive effects that poor qual­i­ty sleep, short sleep dura­tion, and insom­nia may have on men­tal and phys­i­cal health.” Had Kaf­ka over­come his mal­a­dy, he may nev­er have writ­ten his best-known work. Indeed, he may not have writ­ten at all. “Per­haps there are oth­er forms of writ­ing,” he told Max Brod in 1922, “but I know only this kind, when fear keeps me from sleep­ing, I know only this kind.” Per­ci­ac­cante and Coral­li see Kafka’s insom­ni­ac tor­ment as a pri­ma­ry theme in his work, but two dis­sent­ing voic­es, writer Saudami­ni Deo and foren­sic doc­tor and anthro­pol­o­gist Philippe Char­li­er, dis­agree. Writ­ing into The Lancet to express their view, they assert that despite Kafka’s per­sis­tent laments and the squirmy fate of the auto­bi­o­graph­i­cal Gre­gor Sam­sa, the writer’s “insom­nia was not at all dehu­man­iz­ing… but the exact opposite—ie, human­iz­ing the self by bring­ing to sur­face ele­ments of uncon­scious that guide most actions of our wak­ing life.”

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Franz Kaf­ka Ago­nized, Too, Over Writer’s Block: “Tried to Write, Vir­tu­al­ly Use­less;” “Com­plete Stand­still. Unend­ing Tor­ments” (1915)

Franz Kafka’s Kafkaesque Love Let­ters

How a Good Night’s Sleep — and a Bad Night’s Sleep — Can Enhance Your Cre­ativ­i­ty

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

Eadweard Muybridge’s 1870s Photographs of Galloping Horses Get Encoded on the DNA of Living Bacteria Cells


If you’ve ever stud­ied the his­to­ry of pho­tog­ra­phy, you’ve inevitably encoun­tered Ead­weard Muybridge’s exper­i­ments from the 1870s, which used new inno­va­tions in pho­tog­ra­phy to answer a sim­ple ques­tion: When a horse trots, do all four of its hooves ever leave the ground at once? The ques­tion piqued the curios­i­ty of Leland Stan­ford, for­mer gov­er­nor of Cal­i­for­nia and co-founder of Stan­ford Uni­ver­si­ty. And so, as Col­in Mar­shall pre­vi­ous­ly not­ed here, he “called on an Eng­lish pho­tog­ra­ph­er named Ead­weard Muy­bridge, known for his work in such then-cut­ting-edge sub­fields as time-lapse and stere­og­ra­phy, and tasked him with fig­ur­ing it out. Using a series of cam­eras acti­vat­ed by trip wires as the horse trot­ted past, Muy­bridge proved that all four of its hooves do indeed leave the ground, win­ning Stan­ford the wager.” You can watch the footage result­ing from that exper­i­ment below.

Above, you can also see the strange new after­life of that same footage. Accord­ing to the Nation­al Insti­tute of Men­tal Health:

For the first time, [Muybridge’s] movie has been encod­ed in – and then played back from – DNA in liv­ing cells. Sci­en­tists fund­ed by the Nation­al Insti­tutes of Health say it is a major step toward a “mol­e­c­u­lar recorder” that may some­day make it pos­si­ble to get read-outs, for exam­ple, of the chang­ing inter­nal states of neu­rons as they devel­op. Neu­ro­sci­en­tist Seth Ship­man, Ph.D., of Har­vard Med­ical School, explains the study.

Ulti­mate­ly, this exper­i­ment demon­strates the “pow­er to turn liv­ing cells into dig­i­tal data ware­hous­es,” writes Wired. Ship­man does a good job of unpack­ing the study. Read more about it over at this NIH web­site.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Ead­weard Muybridge’s Motion Pho­tog­ra­phy Exper­i­ments from the 1870s Pre­sent­ed in 93 Ani­mat­ed Gifs

See the First Known Pho­to­graph Ever Tak­en (1826)

Behold the Very First Col­or Pho­to­graph (1861): Tak­en by Scot­tish Physi­cist (and Poet!) James Clerk Maxwell

Free Online Biol­o­gy Cours­es

How Did the Romans Make Concrete That Lasts Longer Than Modern Concrete? The Mystery Finally Solved

An explo­sion in recent years of so-called “ruin porn” pho­tog­ra­phy has sparked an inevitable back­lash for its sup­posed fetishiza­tion of urban decay and eco­nom­ic dev­as­ta­tion. Doc­u­ment­ing, as the­o­rist Bri­an McHale writes, the “ruin in the wake of the dein­dus­tri­al­iza­tion of North Amer­i­can ‘Rust Belt’ cities” like Detroit, “ruin porn” shows us a world that only a few decades ago, thrived in a post-war eco­nom­ic boom that seemed like it might go on for­ev­er. Our mor­bid fas­ci­na­tion with images from the death of Amer­i­can man­u­fac­tur­ing offers a rich field for soci­o­log­i­cal inquiry. But when sci­en­tists look over what has hap­pened to so much of the archi­tec­ture from the ear­ly to mid-twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry, they’ve most­ly had one very press­ing ques­tion:

What is going on with the con­crete?

Or more specif­i­cal­ly, why do struc­tures built only a few years ago look like they’ve been weath­er­ing the ele­ments for cen­turies, when build­ings thou­sands of years old, like many parts of the Pan­theon or Trajan’s Mar­kets in Rome, look like they’re only a few years old? The con­crete struc­tures of the Roman Empire, writes Nicole Davis at The Guardian, “are still stand­ing more than 1,500 years after the last cen­tu­ri­on snuffed it.” Roman con­crete was a phe­nom­e­nal feat of ancient engi­neer­ing that until recent­ly had stumped sci­en­tists who stud­ied its dura­bil­i­ty. The Romans them­selves “were aware of the virtues of their con­crete, with Pliny the Elder wax­ing lyri­cal in his Nat­ur­al His­to­ry that it is ‘impreg­nable to the waves and every day stronger.”

The mys­tery of the Roman con­crete recipe has final­ly been revealed. Researchers at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Utah have just pub­lished a study in Amer­i­can Min­er­al­o­gist show­ing how the com­pound of “vol­canic ash, lime (cal­ci­um oxide), sea­wa­ter and lumps of vol­canic rock” actu­al­ly did, as Pliny claimed, become stronger over time, through the very action of those waves. “Sea­wa­ter that seeped through the con­crete,” notes Davis, “dis­solved the vol­canic crys­tals and glass­es, with alu­mi­nous tober­morite and phillip­site crys­tal­iz­ing in their place.” These new crys­tals rein­force the con­crete, mak­ing it more imper­vi­ous to the ele­ments. Mod­ern con­crete, “by con­trast… is not sup­posed to change after it hardens—meaning any reac­tions with the mate­r­i­al cause dam­age.” (The short video above explains the process in brief.)

The recent study builds on pre­vi­ous work con­duct­ed by lead author, Uni­ver­si­ty of Utah geol­o­gist Marie Jack­son. In 2014, Jack­son, then at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Cal­i­for­nia, recre­at­ed the Roman con­crete recipe and dis­cov­ered one of the min­er­als with­in it that makes it supe­ri­or to the mod­ern stuff. But it took a cou­ple more years before she and her col­leagues fig­ured out the role of sea­wa­ter on form­ing the rare crys­tals. Now, they are rec­om­mend­ing that builders begin using Roman con­crete in the near future for sea­walls and oth­er marine struc­tures. The research “opens up a com­plete­ly new per­spec­tive for how con­crete can be made,” says Jack­son. “What we con­sid­er cor­ro­sion process­es can actu­al­ly pro­duce extreme­ly ben­e­fi­cial min­er­al cement and lead to con­tin­ued resilience, in fact, enhanced per­haps resilience over time.”

As we increas­ing­ly turn our post­mod­ern gaze toward the fail­ures of post­war industrialization–toward not only crum­bling cities but crum­bling dams and bridges–one secret for build­ing infra­struc­ture that can last for cen­turies comes to us not from an algo­rithm or an AI but from an ancient recipe com­bin­ing the primeval forces of vol­ca­noes and ocean waves.

via The Guardian

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Roman Archi­tec­ture: A Free Course from Yale 

Rome Reborn: Take a Vir­tu­al Tour of Ancient Rome, Cir­ca 320 C.E.

Ancient Rome’s Sys­tem of Roads Visu­al­ized in the Style of Mod­ern Sub­way Maps

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

An Animated Introduction to the Life & Work of Marie Curie, the First Female Nobel Laureate

Look­ing for an intro­duc­tion or rein­tro­duc­tion to the life and work of sci­en­tist Marie Curie?

You could have a peek at her orig­i­nal man­u­scripts, after first sign­ing a waiv­er and garb­ing your­self in pro­tec­tive gear, so as to avoid the radioac­tiv­i­ty per­me­at­ing her pos­ses­sions

Or you could turn to song. Army of Lovers, the Crypts!, and the Dee­dle Dee­dle Dees have all writ­ten songs in cel­e­bra­tion of this bril­liant woman, the first female Nobel Lau­re­ate and only per­son in his­to­ry to have been award­ed Nobel prizes in two dif­fer­ent sci­ences.

(Her lead-lined cof­fin, for­bid­den stud­ies, and romance with fel­low physi­cist and hus­band Pierre are the stuff from which gold­en lyrics are spun…)

Or you could watch the TED-Ed ani­ma­tion above, writ­ten and nar­rat­ed by Dr. Shohi­ni Ghose, Physics Pro­fes­sor and Direc­tor of Wil­frid Lau­ri­er University’s Cen­tre for Women in Sci­ence.

Ghose coun­ter­bal­ances the tan­ta­liz­ing bio­graph­i­cal tid­bits of the world’s most famous female sci­en­tist with her actu­al con­tri­bu­tions to the fields of oncol­o­gy, tech­nol­o­gy, med­i­cine, and nuclear physics.

Ghose’s full TED-Ed les­son includes a review quiz and fur­ther resources.

To get an even more in-depth intro­duc­tion to the Curies, lis­ten to the episode of In Our Time, below.

And do remem­ber to put down the sparklers and pota­to sal­ad for a moment in silent recog­ni­tion that this July 4th marks the 83rd anniver­sary of Mme. Curie’s death from aplas­tic ane­mia, the result of pro­longed expo­sure to radi­a­tion.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Marie Curie’s Research Papers Are Still Radioac­tive 100+ Years Lat­er

Marie Curie Attend­ed a Secret, Under­ground “Fly­ing Uni­ver­si­ty” When Women Were Banned from Pol­ish Uni­ver­si­ties

Free Online Physics Cours­es

Real Women Talk About Their Careers in Sci­ence

The Con­tri­bu­tions of Women Philoso­phers Recov­ered by the New Project Vox Web­site

Ayun Hal­l­i­day is an author, illus­tra­tor, the­ater mak­er and Chief Pri­ma­tol­o­gist of the East Vil­lage Inky zine.  Fol­low her @AyunHalliday.

How Ada Lovelace, Daughter of Lord Byron, Wrote the First Computer Program in 1842–a Century Before the First Computer

I’ve nev­er quite under­stood why the phrase “revi­sion­ist his­to­ry” became pure­ly pejo­ra­tive. Of course, it has its Orwellian dark side, but all knowl­edge has to be revised peri­od­i­cal­ly, as we acquire new infor­ma­tion and, ide­al­ly, dis­card old prej­u­dices and nar­row frames of ref­er­ence. A fail­ure to do so seems fun­da­men­tal­ly regres­sive, not only in polit­i­cal terms, but also in terms of how we val­ue accu­rate, inter­est­ing, and engaged schol­ar­ship. Such research has recent­ly brought us fas­ci­nat­ing sto­ries about pre­vi­ous­ly mar­gin­al­ized peo­ple who made sig­nif­i­cant con­tri­bu­tions to sci­en­tif­ic dis­cov­ery, such as NASA’s “human com­put­ers,” por­trayed in the book Hid­den Fig­ures, then dra­ma­tized in the film of the same name.

Like­wise, the many women who worked at Bletch­ley Park dur­ing World War II—helping to deci­pher encryp­tions like the Nazi Enig­ma Code (out of near­ly 10,000 code­break­ers, about 75% were women)—have recent­ly been get­ting their his­tor­i­cal due, thanks to “revi­sion­ist” researchers. And, as we not­ed in a pri­or post, we might not know much, if any­thing, about film star Hedy Lamarr’s sig­nif­i­cant con­tri­bu­tions to wire­less, GPS, and Blue­tooth tech­nol­o­gy were it not for the work of his­to­ri­ans like Richard Rhodes. These few exam­ples, among many, show us a fuller, more accu­rate, and more inter­est­ing view of the his­to­ry of sci­ence and tech­nol­o­gy, and they inspire women and girls who want to enter the field, yet have grown up with few role mod­els to encour­age them.

We can add to the pan­theon of great women in sci­ence the name Ada Byron, Count­ess of Lovelace, the daugh­ter of Roman­tic poet Lord Byron. Lovelace has been renowned, as Hank Green tells us in the video at the top of the post, for writ­ing the first com­put­er pro­gram, “despite liv­ing a cen­tu­ry before the inven­tion of the mod­ern com­put­er.” This pic­ture of Lovelace has been a con­tro­ver­sial one. “His­to­ri­ans dis­agree,” writes prodi­gious math­e­mati­cian Stephen Wol­fram. “To some she is a great hero in the his­to­ry of com­put­ing; to oth­ers an over­es­ti­mat­ed minor fig­ure.”

Wol­fram spent some time with “many orig­i­nal doc­u­ments” to untan­gle the mys­tery. “I feel like I’ve final­ly got­ten to know Ada Lovelace,” he writes, “and got­ten a grasp on her sto­ry. In some ways it’s an ennobling and inspir­ing sto­ry; in some ways it’s frus­trat­ing and trag­ic.” Edu­cat­ed in math and music by her moth­er, Anne Isabelle Mil­banke, Lovelace became acquaint­ed with math­e­mat­ics pro­fes­sor Charles Bab­bage, the inven­tor of a cal­cu­lat­ing machine called the Dif­fer­ence Engine, “a 2‑foot-high hand-cranked con­trap­tion with 2000 brass parts.” Bab­bage encour­aged her to pur­sue her inter­ests in math­e­mat­ics, and she did so through­out her life.

Wide­ly acknowl­edged as one of the fore­fa­thers of com­put­ing, Bab­bage even­tu­al­ly cor­re­spond­ed with Lovelace on the cre­ation of anoth­er machine, the Ana­lyt­i­cal Engine, which “sup­port­ed a whole list of pos­si­ble kinds of oper­a­tions, that could in effect be done in arbi­trar­i­ly pro­grammed sequence.” When, in 1842, Ital­ian math­e­mati­cian Louis Menabrea pub­lished a paper in French on the Ana­lyt­i­cal Engine, “Bab­bage enlist­ed Ada as trans­la­tor,” notes the San Diego Super­com­put­er Cen­ter’s Women in Sci­ence project. “Dur­ing a nine-month peri­od in 1842–43, she worked fever­ish­ly on the arti­cle and a set of Notes she append­ed to it. These are the source of her endur­ing fame.” (You can read her trans­la­tion and notes here.)

In the course of his research, Wol­fram pored over Bab­bage and Lovelace’s cor­re­spon­dence about the trans­la­tion, which reads “a lot like emails about a project might today, apart from being in Vic­to­ri­an Eng­lish.” Although she built on Bab­bage and Menebrea’s work, “She was clear­ly in charge” of suc­cess­ful­ly extrap­o­lat­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ties of the Ana­lyt­i­cal Engine, but she felt “she was first and fore­most explain­ing Babbage’s work, so want­ed to check things with him.” Her addi­tions to the work were very well-received—Michael Fara­day called her “the ris­ing star of Science”—and when her notes were pub­lished, Bab­bage wrote, “you should have writ­ten an orig­i­nal paper.”

Unfor­tu­nate­ly, as a woman, “she couldn’t get access to the Roy­al Society’s library in Lon­don,” and her ambi­tions were derailed by a severe health cri­sis. Lovelace died of can­cer at the age of 37, and for some time, her work sank into semi-obscu­ri­ty. Though some his­to­ri­ans have seen her as sim­ply an expos­i­tor of Babbage’s work, Wol­fram con­cludes that it was Ada who had the idea of “what the Ana­lyt­i­cal Engine should be capa­ble of.” Her notes sug­gest­ed pos­si­bil­i­ties Bab­bage had nev­er dreamed. As the Women in Sci­ence project puts it, “She right­ly saw [the Ana­lyt­i­cal Engine] as what we would call a gen­er­al-pur­pose com­put­er. It was suit­ed for ‘devel­op­ping [sic] and tab­u­lat­ing any func­tion what­ev­er… the engine [is] the mate­r­i­al expres­sion of any indef­i­nite func­tion of any degree of gen­er­al­i­ty and com­plex­i­ty.’ Her Notes antic­i­pate future devel­op­ments, includ­ing com­put­er-gen­er­at­ed music.”

In a recent episode of the BBC’s In Our Time, above, you can hear host Melvyn Bragg dis­cuss Lovelace’s impor­tance with his­to­ri­ans and schol­ars Patri­cia Fara, Doron Swade, and John Fue­gi. And be sure to read Wolfram’s bio­graph­i­cal and his­tor­i­cal account of Lovelace here.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

How 1940s Film Star Hedy Lamarr Helped Invent the Tech­nol­o­gy Behind Wi-Fi & Blue­tooth Dur­ing WWII

The Con­tri­bu­tions of Women Philoso­phers Recov­ered by the New Project Vox Web­site

Real Women Talk About Their Careers in Sci­ence

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

 

Albert Einstein Writes the 1949 Essay “Why Socialism?” and Attempts to Find a Solution to the “Grave Evils of Capitalism”

Image by Fer­di­nand Schmutzer, via Wiki­me­dia Com­mons

Albert Ein­stein was a com­pli­cat­ed human being, with a wide range of inter­ests. His per­son­al­i­ty seemed bal­anced between a cer­tain chill­i­ness when it came to per­son­al mat­ters, and a great deal of warmth and com­pas­sion when it came to the wider human fam­i­ly. The physi­cist struck up friend­ships with famed Amer­i­can activists Paul Robe­son, Mar­i­an Ander­son, and W.E.B. Du Bois, and he cham­pi­oned the cause of Civ­il Rights in the U.S. He pro­fessed a deep admi­ra­tion for Gand­hi, and praised him sev­er­al times in let­ters and speech­es. And in 1955, just days before his death, Ein­stein col­lab­o­rat­ed with anoth­er out­spo­ken pub­lic intel­lec­tu­al, Bertrand Rus­sell, on a peace man­i­festo, which was signed by six oth­er sci­en­tists.

Ein­stein saw a pub­lic role for sci­en­tists in mat­ters social, polit­i­cal, and even eco­nom­ic. In 1949, he pub­lished an arti­cle in the Month­ly Review titled “Why Social­ism?” Antic­i­pat­ing his crit­ics, he begins by ask­ing “is it advis­able for one who is not an expert on eco­nom­ic and social issues to express views on the sub­ject of social­ism?” To which he replies, “I believe for a num­ber of rea­sons that it is.”

Ein­stein goes on, sound­ing some­thing like a com­bi­na­tion of Karl Marx and E.O. Wil­son, to elab­o­rate the the­o­ret­i­cal basis for social­ism as he sees it, first describ­ing what Marx called “prim­i­tive accu­mu­la­tion” and what the social­ist econ­o­mist Thorstein Veblen called “’the preda­to­ry phase’ of human devel­op­ment.”

…most of the major states of his­to­ry owed their exis­tence to con­quest. The con­quer­ing peo­ples estab­lished them­selves, legal­ly and eco­nom­i­cal­ly, as the priv­i­leged class of the con­quered coun­try. They seized for them­selves a monop­oly of the land own­er­ship and appoint­ed a priest­hood from among their own ranks. The priests, in con­trol of edu­ca­tion, made the class divi­sion of soci­ety into a per­ma­nent insti­tu­tion and cre­at­ed a sys­tem of val­ues by which the peo­ple were thence­forth, to a large extent uncon­scious­ly, guid­ed in their social behav­ior.

The sci­ence of eco­nom­ics, as it stands, writes Ein­stein, still belongs “to that phase.” Such “laws as we can derive” from “the observ­able eco­nom­ic facts… are not applic­a­ble to oth­er phas­es.” These facts sim­ply describe the preda­to­ry state of affairs, and Ein­stein implies that not even econ­o­mists have suf­fi­cient meth­ods to defin­i­tive­ly answer the ques­tion “why socialism?”—“economic sci­ence in its present state can throw lit­tle light on the social­ist soci­ety of the future.” We should not assume, then, he goes on, “that experts are the only ones who have a right to express them­selves on ques­tions affect­ing the orga­ni­za­tion of soci­ety.” Ein­stein him­self doesn’t pre­tend to have all the answers. He ends his essay, in fact, with a few ques­tions address­ing “some extreme­ly dif­fi­cult socio-polit­i­cal prob­lems,” of the kind that attend every debate about social­ism:

…how is it pos­si­ble, in view of the far-reach­ing cen­tral­iza­tion of polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic pow­er, to pre­vent bureau­cra­cy from becom­ing all-pow­er­ful and over­ween­ing? How can the rights of the indi­vid­ual be pro­tect­ed and there­with a demo­c­ra­t­ic coun­ter­weight to the pow­er of bureau­cra­cy be assured?

Nev­er­the­less, Ein­stein is “con­vinced” that the only way to elim­i­nate the “grave evils” of cap­i­tal­ism is “through the estab­lish­ment of a social­ist econ­o­my, accom­pa­nied by an edu­ca­tion­al sys­tem which would be ori­ent­ed toward social goals.” For Ein­stein, the “worst evil” of preda­to­ry cap­i­tal­ism is the “crip­pling of indi­vid­u­als” through an edu­ca­tion­al sys­tem that empha­sizes an “exag­ger­at­ed com­pet­i­tive atti­tude” and trains stu­dents “to wor­ship acquis­i­tive suc­cess.” But the prob­lems extend far beyond the indi­vid­ual and into the very nature of the polit­i­cal order.

Pri­vate cap­i­tal tends to become con­cen­trat­ed in few hands… The result of these devel­op­ments is an oli­garchy of pri­vate cap­i­tal the enor­mous pow­er of which can­not be effec­tive­ly checked even by a demo­c­ra­t­i­cal­ly orga­nized polit­i­cal soci­ety. This is true since the mem­bers of leg­isla­tive bod­ies are select­ed by polit­i­cal par­ties, large­ly financed or oth­er­wise influ­enced by pri­vate cap­i­tal­ists who, for all prac­ti­cal pur­pos­es, sep­a­rate the elec­torate from the leg­is­la­ture. The con­se­quence is that the rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the peo­ple do not in fact suf­fi­cient­ly pro­tect the inter­ests of the under­priv­i­leged sec­tions of the pop­u­la­tion. More­over, under exist­ing con­di­tions, pri­vate cap­i­tal­ists inevitably con­trol, direct­ly or indi­rect­ly, the main sources of infor­ma­tion (press, radio, edu­ca­tion). It is thus extreme­ly dif­fi­cult, and indeed in most cas­es quite impos­si­ble, for the indi­vid­ual cit­i­zen to come to objec­tive con­clu­sions and to make intel­li­gent use of his polit­i­cal rights.

The polit­i­cal econ­o­my Ein­stein describes is one often lam­bast­ed by right lib­er­tar­i­ans as an impure vari­ety of crony cap­i­tal­ism, one not wor­thy of the name, but the physi­cist is skep­ti­cal of the claim, writ­ing “there is no such thing as a pure cap­i­tal­ist soci­ety.” Pri­vate own­ers always secure their priv­i­leges through the manip­u­la­tion of the polit­i­cal and edu­ca­tion­al sys­tems and the mass media.

The preda­to­ry sit­u­a­tion Ein­stein observes is one of extreme alien­ation among all class­es; “All human beings, what­ev­er their posi­tion in soci­ety, are suf­fer­ing from this process of dete­ri­o­ra­tion. Unknow­ing­ly pris­on­ers of their own ego­tism, they feel inse­cure, lone­ly, and deprived of the naïve, sim­ple, and unso­phis­ti­cat­ed enjoy­ment of life. Man can find mean­ing in life, short and per­ilous as it is, only through devot­ing him­self to soci­ety.” Ein­stein believed that devo­tion should take the form of a social­ist econ­o­my that pro­motes both the phys­i­cal well­be­ing and the polit­i­cal rights of every­one. But he did not pre­sume to know exact­ly what such an eco­nom­ic future would look like, nor how it might come into being. Read his full essay, “Why Social­ism?” here.

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Albert Ein­stein Explains How Slav­ery Has Crip­pled Everyone’s Abil­i­ty (Even Aristotle’s) to Think Clear­ly About Racism

Albert Ein­stein Express­es His Admi­ra­tion for Mahat­ma Gand­hi, in Let­ter and Audio

Albert Ein­stein Impos­es on His First Wife a Cru­el List of Mar­i­tal Demands

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

Charles Darwin & Charles Dickens’ Four-Hour Work Day: The Case for Why Less Work Can Mean More Productivity

We all oper­ate at dif­fer­ent lev­els of ambi­tion: some just want to get by and enjoy them­selves, while oth­ers strive to make achieve­ments with as long-last­ing an impact on human­i­ty as pos­si­ble. If we think of can­di­dates for the lat­ter cat­e­go­ry, Charles Dar­win may well come to mind, at least in the sense that the work he did as a nat­u­ral­ist, and more so the the­o­ry of evo­lu­tion that came out of it, has ensured that we remem­ber his name well over a cen­tu­ry after his death and will sure­ly con­tin­ue to do so cen­turies hence. But research into Dar­win’s work­ing life sug­gests some­thing less than worka­holism — and indeed, that he put in a frac­tion of the num­ber of hours we asso­ciate with seri­ous ambi­tion.

“After his morn­ing walk and break­fast, Dar­win was in his study by 8 and worked a steady hour and a half,” writes Nau­tilus’ Alex Soo­jung-kim Pang. “At 9:30 he would read the morn­ing mail and write let­ters. At 10:30, Dar­win returned to more seri­ous work, some­times mov­ing to his aviary, green­house, or one of sev­er­al oth­er build­ings where he con­duct­ed his exper­i­ments. By noon, he would declare, ‘I’ve done a good day’s work,’ and set out on a long walk.” After this walk he would answer let­ters, take a nap, take anoth­er walk, go back to his study, and then have din­ner with the fam­i­ly. Dar­win typ­i­cal­ly got to bed, accord­ing to a dai­ly sched­ule drawn from his son Fran­cis’ rem­i­nis­cences of his father, by 10:30.

“On this sched­ule he wrote 19 books, includ­ing tech­ni­cal vol­umes on climb­ing plants, bar­na­cles, and oth­er sub­jects,” writes Pang, and of course not fail­ing to men­tion “The Ori­gin of Species, prob­a­bly the sin­gle most famous book in the his­to­ry of sci­ence, and a book that still affects the way we think about nature and our­selves.” Anoth­er tex­tu­al­ly pro­lif­ic Vic­to­ri­an Eng­lish­man named Charles, adher­ing to a sim­i­lar­ly non-life-con­sum­ing work rou­tine, man­aged to pro­duce — in addi­tion to tire­less let­ter-writ­ing and cam­paign­ing for social reform — hun­dreds of short sto­ries and arti­cles, five novel­las, and fif­teen nov­els includ­ing Oliv­er Twist, A Tale of Two Cities, and Great Expec­ta­tions

“After an ear­ly life burn­ing the mid­night oil,” writes Pang, Charles Dick­ens “set­tled into a sched­ule as ‘method­i­cal or order­ly’ as a ‘city clerk,’ his son Charley said. Dick­ens shut him­self in his study from 9 until 2, with a break for lunch. Most of his nov­els were seri­al­ized in mag­a­zines, and Dick­ens was rarely more than a chap­ter or two ahead of the illus­tra­tors and print­er. Nonethe­less, after five hours, Dick­ens was done for the day.” Pang finds that may oth­er suc­cess­ful writ­ers have kept sim­i­lar­ly restrained work sched­ules, from Antho­ny Trol­lope to Alice Munro, Som­er­set Maugh­am to Gabriel Gar­cía Márquez, Saul Bel­low to Stephen King. He notes sim­i­lar habits in sci­ence and math­e­mat­ics as well, includ­ing Hen­ri Poin­caré and G.H. Hardy.

Research by Pang and oth­ers into work habits and pro­duc­tiv­i­ty have recent­ly drawn a great deal of atten­tion, point­ing as it does to the ques­tion of whether we might all con­sid­er work­ing less in order to work bet­ter. “Even if you enjoy your job and work long hours vol­un­tar­i­ly, you’re sim­ply more like­ly to make mis­takes when you’re tired,” writes the Har­vard Busi­ness Review’s Sarah Green Carmichael. What’s more, “work too hard and you also lose sight of the big­ger pic­ture. Research has sug­gest­ed that as we burn out, we have a greater ten­den­cy to get lost in the weeds.” This dis­cov­ery actu­al­ly dates back to Dar­win and Dick­ens’ 19th cen­tu­ry: “When orga­nized labor first com­pelled fac­to­ry own­ers to lim­it work­days to 10 (and then eight) hours, man­age­ment was sur­prised to dis­cov­er that out­put actu­al­ly increased – and that expen­sive mis­takes and acci­dents decreased.”

This goes just as much for aca­d­e­mics, whose work­weeks, “as long as they are, are not near­ly as lengthy as those on Wall Street (yet),” writes Times High­er Edu­ca­tion’s David Matthews in a piece on the research of Uni­ver­si­ty of Penn­syl­va­nia pro­fes­sor (and ex-Gold­man Sachs banker) Alexan­dra Michel. “Four hours a day is prob­a­bly the lim­it for those look­ing to do gen­uine­ly orig­i­nal research, she says. In her expe­ri­ence, the only peo­ple who have avoid­ed burnout and achieved some sort of bal­ance in their lives are those stick­ing to this kind of sched­ule.” Michel finds that “because aca­d­e­mics do not have their hours strict­ly defined and reg­u­lat­ed (as man­u­al work­ers do), ‘oth­er con­trols take over. These con­trols are peer pres­sure.’ ” So at least we know the first step on the jour­ney toward viable work habits: regard­ing the likes of Dar­win and Dick­ens as your peers.

via Nau­tilus

Relat­ed Con­tent:

The Dai­ly Habits of High­ly Pro­duc­tive Philoso­phers: Niet­zsche, Marx & Immanuel Kant

The Dai­ly Habits of Famous Writ­ers: Franz Kaf­ka, Haru­ki Muraka­mi, Stephen King & More

John Updike’s Advice to Young Writ­ers: ‘Reserve an Hour a Day’

Thomas Edison’s Huge­ly Ambi­tious “To-Do” List from 1888

Leonar­do Da Vinci’s To Do List (Cir­ca 1490) Is Much Cool­er Than Yours

Based in Seoul, Col­in Mar­shall writes and broad­casts on cities and cul­ture. He’s at work on the book The State­less City: a Walk through 21st-Cen­tu­ry Los Ange­les, the video series The City in Cin­e­ma, the crowd­fund­ed jour­nal­ism project Where Is the City of the Future?, and the Los Ange­les Review of Books’ Korea Blog. Fol­low him on Twit­ter at @colinmarshall or on Face­book.

Carl Sagan Sent Music & Photos Into Space So That Aliens Could Understand Human Civilization (Even After We’re Gone)

A pop­u­lar thought exper­i­ment asks us to imag­ine an advanced alien species arriv­ing on Earth, not in an H.G. Wells-style inva­sion, but as advanced, bemused, and benev­o­lent observers. “Wouldn’t they be appalled,” we won­der, “shocked, con­fused at how back­ward we are?” It’s a pure­ly rhetor­i­cal device—the sec­u­lar equiv­a­lent of tak­ing a “god’s eye view” of human fol­ly. Few peo­ple seri­ous­ly enter­tain the pos­si­bil­i­ty in polite com­pa­ny. Unless they work at NASA or the SETI pro­gram.

In 1977, upon the launch­ing of Voy­ager 1 and Voy­ager 2, a com­mit­tee work­ing under Carl Sagan pro­duced the so-called “Gold­en Records,” actu­al phono­graph­ic LPs made of cop­per con­tain­ing “a col­lec­tion of sounds and images,” writes Joss Fong at Vox, “that will prob­a­bly out­last all human arti­facts on Earth.” While they weren’t prepar­ing for a vis­i­ta­tion on Earth, they did—relying not on wish­ful think­ing but on the con­tro­ver­sial Drake Equa­tion—ful­ly expect that oth­er tech­no­log­i­cal civ­i­liza­tions might well exist in the cos­mos, and assumed a like­li­hood we might encounter one, at least via remote.

Sagan tasked him­self with com­pil­ing what he called a “bot­tle” in “the cos­mic ocean,” and some­thing of a time cap­sule of human­i­ty. Over a year’s time, Sagan and his team col­lect­ed 116 images and dia­grams, nat­ur­al sounds, spo­ken greet­ings in 55 lan­guages, print­ed mes­sages, and musi­cal selec­tions from around the world–things that would com­mu­ni­cate to aliens what our human civ­i­liza­tion is essen­tial­ly all about. The images were encod­ed onto the records in black and white (you can see them all in the Vox video above in col­or). The audio, which you can play in its entire­ty below, was etched into the sur­face of the record. On the cov­er were etched a series of pic­to­graph­ic instruc­tions for how to play and decode its con­tents. (Scroll over the inter­ac­tive image at the top to see each sym­bol explained.)

Fong out­lines those con­tents, writ­ing, “any aliens who come across the Gold­en Record are in for a treat.” That is, if they are able to make sense of it and don’t find us hor­ri­bly back­ward. Among the audio selec­tions are greet­ings from then-UN Sec­re­tary Gen­er­al Kurt Wald­heim, whale songs, Bach’s Bran­den­berg Con­cer­to No. 2 in F, Sene­galese per­cus­sion, Abo­rig­ine songs, Peru­vian pan­pipes and drums, Nava­jo chant, Blind Willie Johnson’s “Dark Was the Night” (play­ing in the Vox video), more Bach, Beethoven, and “John­ny B. Goode.” Chal­lenged over includ­ing “ado­les­cent” rock and roll, Sagan replied, “there are a lot of ado­les­cents on the plan­et.” The Bea­t­les report­ed­ly want­ed to con­tribute “Here Comes the Sun,” but their record com­pa­ny wouldn’t allow it, pre­sum­ably fear­ing copy­right infringe­ment from aliens.

Also con­tained in the space­far­ing archive is a mes­sage from then-pres­i­dent Jim­my Carter, who writes opti­misti­cal­ly, “We are a com­mu­ni­ty of 240 mil­lion human beings among the more than 4 bil­lion who inhab­it plan­et Earth. We human beings are still divid­ed into nation states, but these states are rapid­ly becom­ing a sin­gle glob­al civ­i­liza­tion.” The mes­sages on Voy­agers 1 and 2, Carter fore­casts, are “like­ly to sur­vive a bil­lion years into our future, when our civ­i­liza­tion is pro­found­ly altered and the sur­face of the Earth may be vast­ly changed.” The team chose not to include images of war and human cru­el­ty.

We only have a few years left to find out whether either Voy­ager will encounter oth­er beings. “Incred­i­bly,” writes Fong, the probes “are still com­mu­ni­cat­ing with Earth—they aren’t expect­ed to lose pow­er until the 2020s.” It seems even more incred­i­ble, forty years lat­er, when we con­sid­er their prim­i­tive tech­nol­o­gy: “an 8‑track mem­o­ry sys­tem and onboard com­put­ers that are thou­sands of times weak­er than the phone in your pock­et.”

The Voy­agers were not the first probes sent to inter­stel­lar space. Pio­neer 10 and 11 were launched in 1972 and 1973, each con­tain­ing a Sagan-designed alu­minum plaque with a few sim­ple mes­sages and depic­tions of a nude man and woman, an addi­tion that scan­dal­ized some puri­tan­i­cal crit­ics. NASA has since lost touch with both Pio­neers, but you may recall that in 2006, the agency launched the New Hori­zons probe, which passed by Plu­to in 2015 and should reach inter­stel­lar space in anoth­er thir­ty years.

Per­haps due to the lack of the depart­ed Sagan’s involve­ment, the lat­est “bot­tle” con­tains no intro­duc­tions. But there is time to upload some, and one of the Gold­en Record team mem­bers, Jon Lomberg, wants to do just that, send­ing a crowd­sourced “mes­sage to the stars.” Lomberg’s New Horizon’s Mes­sage Ini­tia­tive is a “glob­al project that brings the peo­ple of the world togeth­er to speak as one.” The lim­i­ta­tions of ana­log tech­nol­o­gy have made the Gold­en Record selec­tions seem quite nar­row from our data-sat­u­rat­ed point of view. The new mes­sage might con­tain almost any­thing we can imag­ine. Vis­it the pro­jec­t’s site to sign the peti­tion, donate, and con­sid­er, just what would you want an alien civ­i­liza­tion to hear, see, and under­stand about the best of human­i­ty cir­ca 2017?

via Ezra Klein/Vox

Relat­ed Con­tent:

Carl Sagan Presents a Mini-Course on Earth, Mars & What’s Beyond Our Solar Sys­tem: For Kids and Adults (1977)

NASA Releas­es a Mas­sive Online Archive: 140,000 Pho­tos, Videos & Audio Files Free to Search and Down­load

NASA’s New Online Archive Puts a Wealth of Free Sci­ence Arti­cles Online

Josh Jones is a writer and musi­cian based in Durham, NC. Fol­low him at @jdmagness

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